English versn of interv re my scheduled Rios Montt testimony"The witness who would have accused the US & Pérez Molina”http://goo.gl/oBV13f
[A]When I asked Rios Montt-a firm believer in the death penalty-if HE should be executed for his role in the slaughter.. http://goo.gl/pNZGqI
[B]…[Rios Montt] leapt to his feet and shouted "Yes! Try me! Put me against the wall!"... http://goo.gl/pNZGqI
[C]But he [Rios Montt] said that the Americans should be put on trial too. http://goo.gl/pNZGqI
76)Th US&CACIF at th moment disagree on if Tito shld resign.Its just a tactical difference:they both,jointly,want 2 keep control #JuicioTito
77) For decades Perez Molina helped them[US/CACIF/foreign corps]loot the country.But now that some of the people have risen up…#JuicioTito
78) ... Perez Molina's usefulness (to the US,CACIF,foreign corps) has come into question…#JuicioTito
78) The US/CACIF don't care about Perez Molina personally.They care about preventing deep, popular change.#JuicioTito
79)Tito is terrified, but the US and CACIF are scared too. They want to end this unpredictable time of crisis swiftly, quietly. #JuicioTito
80But it is in no way preordained thtUSCACIFTitoArmy will prevail.History is now-for1brief momnt-largely in th hands of th peopl #JuicioTito
Allan Nairn retweeted Prensa Libre @prensa_libre: “Cacif y empresarios no apoyan paro nacional, argumentan pérdidas en economía http://bit.ly/1JwKPG6 Vía @rbolanos_pl
Allan Nairn added the comment: “CACIFwants2remove Tito wthout giving an opening 2 a mass movemnt.Thy want2assure that only he-not them-is overthrown
[A] Guatemala now somewhat resembles Indonesia '98 in that th elites want 2 remove their chosen leader cuz he has lost control of th people…
[B]…but want to make sure that only he falls,&that they-the elites-maintain control.In Indonesia it was the US-backed mass killer, Suharto…
[C]..In Guate it is th USbacked mass killer PerezMolina.In Indonesia,th elites succeeded.Th army took control.They had 2 concede some reforms..
[D]….but the same people still ran society. Moments where deep change is possible are brief.In Guatemala, this is one of them.
Allan Nairn retweeted Ejército Guatemala:” @Ejercito_GT
Somos garantes de la Institucionalidad del Estado de Guatemala, esencialmente apolítico, obediente y no deliberante”
Allan Nairn added the comment:”A) The army says they are the ‘guarantors of the Institutionality of the State of Guatemala.’”
B)...Previously that has meant committingmassacre,torture,disappearance,rape,& doing so in collaboration with foreign powers like the US..
C)...Señores del Ejercito: What does "guaranteeing the Institutionality of the State of Guatemala" mean today?
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NOTE TO READERS RE. TRANSLATION: Portions of News and Comment are now available in Arabic, Brazilian Portuguese, Danish, French, German, Russian and Spanish translation (click preceding links or Profile link above) but translation help is still needed -- particularly with older postings, in these and all other languages.
NOTE TO READERS RE. POTENTIAL EVIDENCE: News and Comment is looking for public and private documents and first-hand information that could develop into evidence regarding war crimes or crimes against humanity by officials. Please forward material via the email link below.
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NOTE TO READERS RE. TRANSLATION: Portions of News and Comment are now available in Arabic, Brazilian Portuguese, Danish, French, German, Russian and Spanish translation (click preceding links or Profile link above) but translation help is still needed -- particularly with older postings, in these and all other languages.
NOTE TO READERS RE. POTENTIAL EVIDENCE: News and Comment is looking for public and private documents and first-hand information that could develop into evidence regarding war crimes or crimes against humanity by officials. Please forward material via the email link below.
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[Versi teks dari wawancara ini telah dimuat di sini pada 27 Oktober 2014 dengan judul: "Breaking News: Pengakuan 'Tanggungjawab Komando' Jenderal Hendropriyono dalam Pembunuhan Munir, Mengklaim Para Korban Talangsari 'Bunuh Diri,' Kesetujuannya Diadili untuk Pelanggaran HAM; dan Implikasi Hukumnya untuk As'ad, Wiranto, CIA."
Selasa, 10 Februari pukul 10:00 WIB, saya akan bersaksi di depan POLDA Metro Jaya, dalam kaitannya dengan kasus kriminal sang jenderal yang diajukan oleh para penyintas Talangsari beserta keluarga.
Mereka berpendapat bahwa Jend. Hendro melakukan "pencemaran nama baik" ketika mengatakan kepada saya dalam wawancara ini bahwa para korban Talangsari--ratusan jumlahnya-- "melakukan bunuh diri" massal saat itu juga:]
Oleh Allan Nairn
Jakarta Jenderal A.M. Hendropriyono, salah satu sosok orang kuat di Indonesia, mengakui "tanggungjawab komando" atas pembunuhan aktivis HAM terkemuka Indonesia.
Dalam dua wawancara malam hari di rumahnya yang mewah pada 16 Oktober lalu, Hendropriyono melontarkan pernyataan-pernyataan yang kelihatannya bisa membuatnya diproses dan bakal menimbulkan masalah untuk CIA, TNI, dan Jokowi--presiden Indonesia yang baru.
Hendropriyono adalah penasehat kunci Jokowi, pemimpin inti TNI, dan sedang bekerjasama dengan CIA ketika badan Intelijen yang dipimpinnya (BIN) menghabisi nyawa Munir.
Lebih detilnya, dalam perbincangan-perbincangan on the record itu, akhirnya Hendropriyono—mungkin tanpa sengaja—membiarkan dirinya larut menjawab pertanyaan-pertanyaan yang saya ajukan
Pada saat wawancara selesai, praktis Hendro mengugurkan sejumlah pembelaan yang sudah lama sekali dipegang oleh dirinya dan TNI. Ia sepakat diadili untuk tiga kasus: pembunuhan Munir, kampanye terror 1999 yang mengluluhlantakkan Timor Timur (saat itu masih diduduki pasukan TNI), serta pembantaian Talangsari tahun 1989 yang memuatnya menyandang julukan "Jagal Lampung."
Hendropriyono pun akhirnya sepakat agar semua dokumen internal yang dipegang oleh pemerintah Indonesia dan AS terkait kasus-kasus tersebut dirilis.
Dengan mengakui "tanggungjawab komando" dan membukakan jalan untuk fakta-fakta tertentu, Hendropriyono turut memberikan tekanan legal kepada dua orang--Wiranto, sang jenderal, dan As'ad, sang intel—yang kian melesat ke jantung politik Indonesia setelah dipromosikan untuk duduk di Kabinet Jokowi.
Perjumpaan dengan Hendropriyono adalah hal yang tak saya perkirakan sebelumnya dan seringkali terasa ganjil. Sesi pertama pertemuan tersebut dimulai dengan sikapnya yang memuji-muji saya, dan berakhir dengan ucapan saya padanya bahwa saya berharap pembunuh Munir dihukum seumur hidup.
Di sela-sela itu, obrolan yang berlangsung antara kami berdua tak jarang berliku. Saya akan memaparkannya dalam beberapa bagian.
----
Dari New York, saya menghubungi nomor ponsel Hendropriyono pada 14 Oktober. Saya ingin mendengar komentarnya langsung tentang perannya dalam pembantaian warga sipil.
Sepanjang pemilu presiden Indonesia musim panas lalu—yang akhirnya dimenangkan Jokowi—berulangkali saya menyerukan agar Hendro diadili untuk kasus-kasus kejahatan kemanusiaan.
Akan tetapi, yang mendapatkan perhatian besar—seringkali bahkan diliput hingga ke detil-detilnya --adalah konfrontasi saya dengan Prabowo, lawan Jokowi. Saya pernah menerbitkan wawancara off the record di mana Prabowo bicara panjang lebar tentang kediktatoran fasis, tentang cara melakukan pembantaian, tentang upaya-upaya kerjasamanya yang luas dengan Pentagon/Intelijen AS. Dalam wawancara itu pula, dia menghina mantan presiden sekaligus ulama yang sangat dihormati, Gus Dur.
Prabowo menuntut supaya tentara menangkap saya. Ia menyebut saya pembohong, imperialis Amerika, "musuh negara," dan menyatakan—kali ini dengan tepat—bahwa sebanyak tujuh kali TNI telah menangkap saya, dan bahwa Suharto sudah melarang saya masuk ke Indonesia sebagai "ancaman terhadap keamanan nasional." Menanggapi Prabowo, TNI mengumumkan bahwa saya berstatus "Target Operasi (TO).”
Saya sendiri sudah menantang tentara untuk menangkap saya. Saya menantang Prabowo untuk mengajukan saya ke pengadilan. Terkait Imperialisme Amerika, saya menantang Prabowo untuk bergabung bersama saya mengutuk presiden dan para mantan presiden AS yang masih hidup supaya mereka diadili karena kasus-kasus kejahatan. Saya juga sempat menantang Prabowo untuk bersama-sama menyerukan agar raksasa tambang AS, Freeport McMoRan, didepak dari Indonesia. Prabowo mundur dari semua tantangan tersebut dan menjadi bahan olok-olok, hingga akhirnya—di hari terakhir kampanye—ia pun memperkarakan saya. Para asisten Prabowo kemudian menjelaskan bahwa perkara yang diajukan antara lain terkait dengan "memancing kebencian terhadap militer," yang kemudian bertambah lagi setelah hasil pemilihan keluar: "menyebabkan kekalahan Prabowo."
----
Dengan latar belakang inilah Hendropriyono, salah satu penopang kampanye Jokowi, menyarankan saya untuk bertemu langsung dengannya di Jakarta, alih-alih lewat telepon. Saya pun terbang ke Jakarta, dan beberapa jam setelah masuk ke wilayah Indonesia, saya tiba di pekarangan eksklusif milik Hendro di Senayan, Jakarta.
Sementara Hendro menemani utusan dari badan intelijen Malaysia, dan saya menunggu di ruang tamu, seorang anggota keluarga Hendro memberitahu saya bahwa sebelumnya Jokowi sudah menawarkan tiga jabatan menteri kepada Hendro, termasuk Menkolpokam, yang tidak lain adalah pos tertinggi untuk militer dan intelijen. Masih sehubungan dengan hal itu, pada hari yang sama, menantu Hendro, Jenderal Andika, baru saja diumumkan sebagai kepala Paspampres (pasukan pengawal kepresidenan) yang baru. Di dalam lemari kabinet di hadapan saya, terdapat foto Hendro bersama Jenderal Wiranto dan Sutiyoso, sementara di samping kanan foto Hendro dengan ajudan lamanya, Jendral Susilo yang di kemudian hari menjadi presiden. Di antara kedua foto tersebut, terdapat patung dada (bust) Napoleon--yang menurut seorang anggota keluarga merupakan tokoh kesukaan Hendro.
----
Setelah mempersilakan saya masuk, Hendro memulai pembicaraan. Dia mengatakan bawah dirinya merasa "terhormat" bisa bertemu dan menyambut saya, karena saya telah menggembosi kampanye Prabowo. Ia menerangkan bahwa Prabowo adalah seorang "totaliter."
Jawaban saya: saya menyerang semua jenderal, termasuk dirinya. Hendropriyono mengatakan dia tahu akan hal itu, dan kalau tidak keliru, lanjutnya, saya menyerangnya khusus terkait Talangsari.
Saya mengangguk, tapi saya menambahkan: saya menyerangnya untuk banyak kasus, termasuk pembunuhan Munir dan teror di Timor tahun 1999.
Pertama-tama, Hendro ingin bicara tentang Talangsari.
Menurut semua laporan—termasuk yang dituturkan Hendro pada saya, yang terjadi di Talangsari adalah banjir darah. Namun Hendro memulai ceritanya dengan mengatakan: “Tak ada cara lain, Allan Nairn.”
Ia mengatakan bahwa sebagai komandan resort militer (danrem), ia mengendalikan tentara dan Brimob, lalu masuk ke Talangsari untuk menghadapi kaum militan agama yang bersenjata “busur dan panah.”
Ia mengatakan, “Mereka bilang saya thogut. Thoghut artinya ekstremis yang akan selalu menghabisi kaum Muslim...”
Tentang perang antara senapan vs. panah itu, Hendro mengatakan, “Tentunya ... kami menang karena kami lebih kuat.”
Hendro mengatakan: “Kami mengepung gubuk-gubuk yang mereka bangun di dusun bersama warga. Tidak ada yang keluar (dari gubuk) karena dilarang oleh para tetua mereka, oleh pemimpin-pemimpin mereka... Saya katakan, ‘Kami akan menyerbu. Saya minta kalian keluar dari rumah dan menyerah.’”
Lalu pada satu waktu, dalam laporan Hendro—dan banyak laporan lainnya—pengepungan gubuk-gubuk itu menyulut api.
Para penyintas dan saksi mata mengatakan bahwa orang-orang Hendro menyulut api, menempak dan menyiksa warga desa yang tak bersenjata.
Kesaksian mereka di depan Komnas HAM dan kelompok-kelompok HAM seperti Kontras (yang didirikan Munir) sangat terperinci.
Namun saya terkejut: di saat kami tengah berbincang di rumah mewahnya di Jakarta, Hendropriyono mengatakan bahwa korban Talangsari sebetulnya melakukan bunuh diri.
“Tiba-tiba mereka bakar gubuk mereka sendiri. Itu yang bikin banyak orang mati,” katanya.
(Ia memperkirakan angka koran tewas sebesar 100 orang—mungkin 200—tak bersenjata dan ada banyak anak-anak dan perempuan di antaranya)
[Audio: "Attack the Huts:"]
[Note: the recording time stamp icon is set on New York time]
Tidak percaya begitu saja, saya tanya dia, “Anda mengklaim mereka menghabisi diri mereka sendiri?”...
“Ya, mereka membakar... mereka membakar gubuk mereka.”
“Dengan kata lain, Anda mengatakan mereka bunuh diri.”
“Ya ...”
“Bunuh diri?”, kali ini saya bertanya dalam bahasa Indonesia.
“Bunuh diri”, jawab Jenderal Hendropriyono dalam bahasa Indonesia pula.
Ia menunjukkan bahwa tindakan tersebut didorong oleh fanatisisme.
Saya kembali ke pokok supaya lebih jelas:
“Jadi, bapak kata bahwa orang itu bunuh diri?”
“Bunuh diri,” Hendro menjawab tegas.
[Audio: "Bunuh Diri:"]
Dan saya pun mengatakan:
"Saya yakin Anda tahu hal ini: ada banyak kesaksian langsung dari penyintas Talangsari yang diberikan ke Komnas HAM dan lembaga-lembaga lain yang mengatakan bahwa 100-200 korban itu dihabisi oleh pasukan Anda dalam sebuah pembantaian. Mengapa tidak dihadapi di pengadilan saja? Apa Anda sepakat untuk diadili dan menjelaskan argumen Anda di pengadilan seperti yang baru Anda lakukan di depan saya?"
"Yah, tentunya itu tidak benar," jawab Hendro seraya mengelak dari pertanyaan.
Saya katakan: "Anda bisa mengatakan itu di pengadilan. Anda bisa bilang itu ke hakim."
Tapi sekali lagi, Hendro tak ingin menjawab.
Dia malah mengalihkan pembicaraan. Dia mulai dengan serangan terhadap "organisasi-organisasi HAM Indonesia," yakni Kontras-nya Munir dan kelompok-kelompok serupa.
Hendro mengatakan bahwa kelompok-kelompok HAM ini telah membayar saksi-saksi supaya dirinya "dikasuskan". Tuduhan ini ironis karena Hendro sendiri telah melakukan pembayaran ke saksi-saksi dengan tujuan--katanya pada saat itu--sedekah. Dan fakta ini sudah dilaporkan secara luas.
(Ketika saya menyebut uang pemberian Hendro di meja yang penuh dengan orang-orang Kontras, mereka terkejut--dan tertawa terbahak-bahak, "Kayak kita punya duit aja!" salah seorang berseloroh.)
Namun hal yang paling mengganggu Hendro adalah fakta bahwa kelompok-kelompok HAM, termasuk Komnas HAM, sudah sepakat untuk mendengar kesaksian dari penyintas anak-anak Talangsari, atau lebih tepatnya, orang-orang yang masih di bawah umur ketika bencana itu terjadi.
Dia jelas gusar dengan fakta bahwa anak-anak yang kini masih hidup itu dianggap serius.
Mereka "[dulu] masih anak-anak," katanya. Mereka "tidak tahu apa yang sedang terjadi."
Dalam kasus Talangsari, saksi anak-anak akhirnya memang dirujuk.
Tapi itu karena Hendro dan anak-anak buahnya membunuh orangtua mereka, menurut kelompok-kelompok HAM.
Sebetulnya ada pula kesaksian dari para penyintas dewasa, dan kesaksian anak kapanpun sering digunakan untuk kasus-kasus semacam itu.
Pada tahun 2013 saya diminta untuk bersaksi dalam pengadilan genosida di Guatemala. Mantan diktator yang didukung AS, Jenderal Efrain Rios Montt, duduk di kursi pesakitan.
Dalam kasus tersebut, kesaksian orang-orang yang masih kanak-kanak saat peristiwa terjadi, digunakan secara luas. Rios Montt didakwa melakukan pembunuhan massal berencana dan dijatuhi hukuman 80 tahun (oligarki kemudian membekukan kasus ini; sang jenderal tetap berada di tahanan rumah.)
Jenderal Hendropriyono tidak ingin ada kesaksian semacam itu di sini.
----
Namun ketika megeluh tentang kesaksian yang melibatkan anak-anak itu, Jenderal Hendro nampaknya keceplosan.
Dia sendiri yang membuka kembali kemungkinan untuk menghadap pengadilan.
"Saya yakin, jika kita ingin ke pengadilan, pengadilan akan mencari saksi-saksi," katanya. Yang dia maksud adalah, pengadilan tidak akan menganggap penting anak-anak kecuali sebagai saksi palsu atau bayaran.
Saya pun segera menanggapi: "Jadi ketika Anda bilang kasus ini harus diurus pengadilan, Anda harus diadili untuk Talangsari dan Anda tidak takut, Anda akan menerima itu? Anda bisa menerima kenyataan seandainya Anda disidang untuk kasus Talangsari?"
Hendro diam sejenak, bimbang, lalu bergumam: "Saya tidak bisa, mmm, Sepertinya saya sudah...."
Tak dinyana dia berkata: "Jika ada orang yang bukan saya--anggap saja Anda--kalau Anda jadi saya waktu itu, saya cukup yakin Anda akan melakukan hal yang sama."
"Tidak, saya tidak akan melakukan hal yang sama," saya jawab. "Saya tidak akan melakukan hal yang sama."
"Apa yang akan Anda lakukan? Apa yang akan Anda lakukan jika Anda jadi saya waktu itu," sang jenderal mendesak.
"Saya tidak akan bunuh orang," saya menjawab. Tapi saya ingin kembali ke pokok permasalahan:
"Tapi saya ingin memastikan bahwa saya paham apa yang Anda katakan. Saya hanya ingin mendapatkan pemahaman yang jelas tentang itu. Apa Anda bilang Anda siap diadili untuk Talangsari? Anda bersedia membela diri di pengadilan dan membawa bukti-bukti Anda?"
"Oh ya tentu saja!" jawab Hendropriyono.
Kelihatannya ada titik cerah di sini.
Tapi saya ingin mengoreknya lagi, dan dia pun menghindar.
"Jadi, Anda bersedia diadili untuk Talangsari?"
"Kapan? Di jaman itu?," jawabnya.
Dia merujuk ke tahun 1989, saat pembantaian terjadi.
"Maksud saya sekarang," saya menjawab. "Waktu itu sudah berakhir. Saya bicara sekarang."
Tepat di titik ini, pembelaan emosional--dan hukum--Hendropriyono mulai kelihatan goyah.
"Segala sesuatu yang saya lakukan," katanya, "segala sesuatu yang mereka tuduhkan pada saya, tidak ada alasan bagi saya untuk tidak menerimanya. Saya akan mengadapinya."
Titik cerah itu memang sungguh ada. Jenderal Hendropriyono menyatakan setuju untuk diadili.
Setelah puluhan tahun TNI--dan Hendro-- membentengi diri dengan berbagai pembelaan dan alasan guna menghindari pengadilan, sang komandan jenderal--sekaligus mitra CIA--ini ternyata memberikan contoh untuk masa depan.
"Karena segala sesuatu yang telah saya lakukan, saya bukan binatang, saya manusia," katanya.
"Dan Anda paham, saya bisa merasakan, saya punya anak, saya punya keluarga, dan saya bisa merasakan bagaimana perasaan mereka. Jadi bagi saya, saya bertanggung jawab atas segala yang sudah saya perbuat. Saya tidak akan menolak apapun. Saya mengerti maksud Anda. Jika saya diadili di pengadilan pelanggaran HAM, saya akan terima."
[Audio: Hendro Agrees to Stand Trial:]
----
Tarik-ulur Talangsari ini menciptakan pola perbincangan kami tentang kasus-kasus kekerasan lainnya: biasanya Hendropriyono akan sampai pada titik dimana ia menegaskan--kadang terdengar sangat tidak masuk akal--bahwa keberadaan mayat-mayat yang masih menjadi pertanyaan bukanlah murni kesalahannya; namun pada saat bersamaan, ia mengakui fakta bahwa akhirnya dialah yang berwenang, dan bahwa mengadili seorang jenderal senior seperti dirinya untuk kasus pembunuhan adalah tindakan yang tepat.
Persetujuan ini amat penting dan membuka banyak jalan.
Gaungnya akan sangat signifikan untuk perbincangan kami selanjutnya terkait Munir.
Dan efeknya tidak hanya berlaku untuk Hendro, tapi juga untuk BIN, As'ad, dan CIA.
NOTE TO READERS: News and Comment is looking for assistance with translating blog postings into other languages, and also with fund raising and distributing the blog content more widely. Those interested please get in touch via the e-mail link below. NOTE TO READERS RE. TRANSLATION: Portions of News and Comment are now available in Arabic, Brazilian Portuguese, Danish, French, German, Russian and Spanish translation (click preceding links or Profile link above) but translation help is still needed -- particularly with older postings, in these and all other languages. NOTE TO READERS RE. POTENTIAL EVIDENCE: News and Comment is looking for public and private documents and first-hand information that could develop into evidence regarding war crimes or crimes against humanity by officials. Please forward material via the email link below. Email Me
[The newly released audio of General Hendropriyono is embedded in the article below.
The text version of this piece was printed on this website on October 27, 2014 under the title: "Breaking News: Gen. Hendropriyono Admits "Command Responsibility" in Munir Assassination. Says Talangsari Victims "Committed Suicide." Agrees to Stand Trial for Atrocities; Legal Implications for As'ad, Wiranto, CIA. Hendropriyono: Part 1."
On Tuesday, February 10, at 10:00 am WIB I will testify to the Indonesian police (POLDA Metro Jaya) in connection with a criminal case against the general brought by massacre survivors and their families.
They are contending that Gen. Hendro committed criminal libel ("pencemaran nama baik") when he said to me, in this interview, that the Talangsari victims -- hundreds of them, all at once -- "committed suicide" ("bunuh diri").]
By Allan Nairn Jakarta
General A.M. Hendropriyono, one of Indonesia's most powerful figures,
has admitted "command responsibility" in the assassination of the
country's leading rights activist.
In two nighttime interviews at his Jakarta mansion on October 16
Hendropriyono made statements that appear to open him to prosecution and
may create problems for the CIA, the Indonesian Armed Forces (TNI), and
for Joko Widodo -- Jokowi -- Indonesia's new president.
Hendropriyono is a key Jokowi adviser, is a core leader of the TNI, and
was working with the CIA when his intelligence unit, BIN, killed the
activist Munir.
In detailed, on-the-record discussions with me Hendropriyono, perhaps
inadvertently, ended up submitting himself to close questioning.
By the time it was over he had abandoned some of his and TNI's longest
standing defenses, and had agreed to stand trial for three major
atrocities: the Munir murder, the 1999 terror campaign that devastated
occupied East Timor, and the 1989 Talangsari massacre that earned him
the nickname "the Butcher of Lampung."
Hendropriyono also ended up agreeing that he was calling for the release
of all internal documents held by the Indonesian and US governments
relating to these cases.
By admitting "command responsibility" and opening to the door to certain
facts, Hendropriyono places legal pressure on two men -- the general,
Wiranto and the intelligenge man, As'ad -- who have moved to the center
stage of Indonesian politics after being touted for the Jokowi cabinet.
The encounter with Hendropriyono was unexpected and at times bizarre.
The first session started with him trying to flatter me, and ended with
me telling him that I hoped Munir's killers would be jailed for life.
In between, the discussion was, at times, complex. It will be described in several installments. -----
I had called Hendropriyono's cell phone, from New York, on October 14
hoping that I could get a comment from him on his role in killing
civilians.
During last summer's Indonesian presidential campaign that resulted in
Jokowi's election, I had repeatedly called for Hendro to be tried for
crimes against humanity.
But what got far more attention, indeed, at times saturation coverage,
was my running confrontation with Jokowi's opponent, General Prabowo. I
had published an off-the record interview with Prabowo in which Prabowo
ruminated on fascist dictatorship, talked about how to do massacres, discussed his extensive work with the Pentagon/ US Intelligence, and insulted the highly regarded cleric and late President, Gus Dur.
Prabowo demanded that the army capture me, called me a liar, an American
imperialist, an "enemy of the state," and pointed out -- correctly --
that the TNI had previously captured me seven times and that Suharto had
banned me from the country as "a threat to national security."
Responding to Prabowo, TNI declared that I had become an "Operational
Target" (TO).
I challenged the army to grab me, challenged Prabowo to bring me to
court, and -- on the matter of American Imperialism -- challenged
Prabowo to join me in calling for the living US presidents to be put on
trial for atrocities, and for the US mining giant, Freeport McMoRan, to
be expelled from Indonesia. Prabowo backed down on all fronts and
received ridicule, so finally, on the campaign's last day, he filed
criminal charges against me. His aides later explained that among other
things the charges related to "inciting hatred of the army," and, after
the election results were in, "causing Prabowo to lose."
It was against this background that Hendropriyono, one of the pillars of
the Jokowi campaign, indicated that rather than talking on the phone he
wanted to talk in person, in Jakarta. I was heading to Jakarta anyway,
and within hours of entering the country, went to Hendro's corner
estate in Senayan, Jakarta.
As he entertained a delegation from Malaysian intelligence, and I waited
in a sitting room, a member of Hendro's family told me that Jokowi had
already offered him three ministries, including MENKOPOLKAM, the top
military/ intelligence post. Relatedly, just that day, Hendro's
son-in-law, General Andika, had been announced as the new head of
PASAMPRES, Jokowi's personal security detail. In a cabinet in front of
me was a photo of Hendro with Generals Wiranto and Sutiyoso, and to the
right a photo of Hendro with his old aide, General Susilo, who later
became President. In between was a bust of Napoleon -- a Hendro
favorite, a family member explained.
----
After he ushered me in, Hendro started by saying that he was "honored"
to meet and receive me because I had hurt Prabowo in the campaign. He
suggested that Prabowo was "totalitarian."
I replied that I attacked all the generals, including him.
Hendropriyono said he knew that, and said that if he was not mistaken I
had attacked him particularly for Talangsari.
I said that was true, but I had attacked him for many things, also including Munir and 1999 Timor.
Hendro wanted to talk about Talangsari first.
By all accounts -- including Hendro's to me, what had happened there had
been a bloodbath, but he started by saying: "There was no other way to
do it, Allan Nairn."
He said that as regional commander he controlled both the army and the
National Police BRIMOB, and moved in to confront religious militants who
were armed with "bows and arrows."
He said "They said I was togut. Togut means extremist who will always finish the Muslims..." He said of the rifles vs. arrows showdown, "Of course ... we won because we were stronger."
Hendro said: "We encircled the huts that they built in the village
together with the villagers. Nobody was out (of the huts) because of
forbidden by their chiefs, by their leaders... I said that 'we will
attack you and I ask you to go out from the house and surrender.'" Then at some point, by Hendro's account -- and that of everyone else -- the encircled huts went up in flames.
Survivors and witnesses say Hendro's men lit the fires, and shot and tortured unarmed villagers. Their
testimony to the government human rights commission (KOMNASHAM) and to
human rights groups like Munir's Kontras is detailed.
But, to my astonishment, as we sat
there in his Jakarta mansion, Hendropriyono said that the dead at
Talangsari had actually killed themselves.
"Suddenly they burned their own huts. That made so many people die," he said. (He estimated the death toll at 100, maybe 200, overwhelmingly unarmed, with many women and children) [Audio: "Attack the Huts:"]
[Note: the recording time stamp icon is set on New York time]
I asked incredulously, "So you're claiming they killed themselves?"...
"Yes, they burned, they burned their huts."
"In effect you're saying they committed suicide."
"Yes ...
"Bunuh diri?" ('Committed suicide?'), I asked in Indonesian.
"Bunuh diri" ('Committed suicide'), General Hendropriyono replied.
He suggested they might have done this out of fanaticism.
I returned to the point, seeking clarity: "Jadi, bapak kata bahwa orang itu bunuh diri?" ('So you're saying that those people committed suicide?')
"Bunuh diri," -- suicide, Hendro replied with finality. [Audio: "Bunuh Diri:"]
So I said:
"As I'm sure you know, there are many witness testimonies from survivors
of Talangsari given to KOMNASHAM and others that say that those hundred
or 200 were killed by your troops, were killed by you in a massacre.
So why not face this in a trial? Would you agree to be put on trial
and make the argument in a court like you've just made to me?" "Yeah, of course it was not true," Hendro replied, skirting the question.
I said: "You could say that in court. You could tell it to the judge." But again, Hendro did not want to answer. Instead, he digressed. He
started with an attack on "the Indonesian human rights organizations,"
i.e. Munir's Kontras, and similar groups. Hendro said that the human
rights groups had paid off witnesses to implicate him, a charge that was
ironic since it had been extensively reported that Hendro himself had
made payments to witnesses, for, he said at the time, religious
purposes. (When I later mentioned
Hendro's payoff charge to a table full of Kontras people, they were
shocked -- and couldn't stop laughing; "As if we had the cash!," one
exclaimed.) But the thing that most
bothered Hendro was the fact that the rights groups, including
KOMNASHAM, had agreed to hear testimony from child survivors of
Talangsari, ie. from people who were still minors at the time of the
inferno. He was evidently upset that these surviving children had been taken seriously. They "were still kids," he said. They "didn't know what was going on." It was, of course, the case that Talangsari child witnesses were resorted to. But this was because Hendro and his men had killed their parents, according to the rights groups.
And in fact there was testimony from adult survivors as well, and in any event child testimony was often used in such cases.
In 2013 I was called to testify in a
genocide trial in Guatemala. In the dock was the US-backed ex
dictator, General Efrain Rios Montt.
In that case, then-child testimony
was used extensively. Rios Montt was convicted of planned massacres and
sentenced to 80 years (the oligarchy later froze the case; the General
remains under house arrest.)
General Hendropriyono didn't want such testimony here. ---- But while complaining about the children, General Hendro appeared to slip up. He himself reopened the issue of possibly being compelled to stand trial. "I'm quite sure that if we go
to court, (the) court will go and look at the witness(es)," he
remarked, his point being that the court would disregard the children
and false, paid-off witnesses. So I jumped in: "So then what
you're saying is that it should go to court, and you should be put on
trial for Talangsari, and you do not fear that, you would accept that?
You would accept being put on trial for Talangsari?" Hendro, paused, recoiled and mumbled: "I cannot, mmm, I think I have..."
And
then he said, incredibly: " If anybody instead of me -- say like
yourself -- if you were me at that time I'm quite sure that you would do
the same thing."
"No, I would not do the same thing," I replied. "I would not do the same thing."
"What would you do? Tell me, what you would do if you were me," the General insisted.
"I would not kill people," I said, but I wanted to get back to the point:
"But
I want to make sure I understand what you're saying. I just want to
get a clear understanding of it. Are you saying that you would accept
being put on trial for Talangsari? And then in the court you would make
your arguments and you would bring forth your evidence?"
"Oh yes of course!," Hendropriyono replied.
This appeared to be the breakthrough.
But I wanted to nail it down, and he hedged.
"So you would accept being put on trial for Talangsari?"
"At that time," he replied.
He was referring to 1989, the time of the massacre.
"I'm talking about now," I said. "Because that time has passed. I'm talking about now."
At this point, Hendropriyono's emotional -- and legal -- defenses appeared to break.
"Everything
that I did," he said, "everything that they accused me (of), there is
nothing for me to prefer not to accept. I will face."
The breakthrough had indeed happened. General Hendropriyono had agreed to face trial.
After
decades of the TNI -- and himself -- erecting defenses, excuses, for
not facing justice, this commanding general -- and CIA partner -- had
set a precedent.
"Because everything that I did, I'm not animal, I'm human," he said.
"And
you know, I feel, I have children, I have family, and I can feel how
they feel. So to me, I'm responsible for everything that I did and
there is nothing that I will refuse. I understand what you mean. If
there is a court for me for human rights violations, I will accept."
[Audio: Hendro Agrees to Stand Trial:]
----
This
Talangsari back-and-forth set the pattern for our discussion of other
atrocities: Hendropriyono reaching -- sometimes deeply implausibly -- to
assert that the corpses in question weren't exactly, really, his fault,
but at the same time owning up to the fact that, in the end, he had
been in charge, and that it was appropriate for he, the senior General,
to be placed on trial for murder.
This concession was fundamental, and it opened doors.
It had particularly significant repercussions for our later discussion regarding Munir.
Repercussions not just for Hendro, but for BIN, As'ad, and the CIA.
NOTE TO READERS: News and Comment is looking for assistance with translating blog postings into other languages, and also with fund raising and distributing the blog content more widely. Those interested please get in touch via the e-mail link below. NOTE TO READERS RE. TRANSLATION: Portions of News and Comment are now available in Arabic, Brazilian Portuguese, Danish, French, German, Russian and Spanish translation (click preceding links or Profile link above) but translation help is still needed -- particularly with older postings, in these and all other languages. NOTE TO READERS RE. POTENTIAL EVIDENCE: News and Comment is looking for public and private documents and first-hand information that could develop into evidence regarding war crimes or crimes against humanity by officials. Please forward material via the email link below. Email Me
“Keterlibatan A.M. Hendropriyono dalam Peristiwa Talangsari: Jokowi Tahu Nggak?”
Rangkaian Peringatan 26 Tahun Peristiwa Talangsari
Latar Belakang
Keadilan merupakan sebuah harapan seluruh masyarakat dari berbagai lapisan dan sektor, termasuk keadilan atas terjadinya suatu peristiwa di masa lalu maupun di masa kini. Dalam praktiknya, keadilan adalah sebuah tatanan yang sangat sulit untuk diwujudkan, padahal konstitusi Indonesia telah dengan jelas mengatur tanggung jawab Negara-dalam hal ini adalah pemerintah-untuk memberikan perlindungan, pemajuan, penegakan dan pemenuhan hak asasi. Komitmen tersebut juga tertuang dalam UU No. 26 tahun 2000 tentang Pengadilan HAM dan dua konvensi kembar internasional yang telah dirativikasi dalam tata hukum positif Indonesia.
26 tahun sudah korban dan keluarga korban Talangsari berjuang menuntut terpenuhinya hak atas rasa keadilan. Korban menuntut agar harkat dan martabatnya kembali dipulihkan secara layak oleh negara. Rezim berganti rezim, keadilan tak juga datang menghampiri, namun korban tetap lantang menyuarakan dan menuntut tanggung jawab pemerintah.
Korban dan keluarga korban Talangsari sempat mendapat angin segar dari pemerintah, yakni ketika Presiden Soesilo Bambang Yudhoyono menerima perwakilan korban dan keluarga korban pelanggaran HAM berat masa lalu lainnya untuk membicarakan penyelesaian kasus pelanggaran HAM tersebut di Istana Negara, pada 23 Maret 2008. Dalam pertemuan itu, Presiden SBY berjanji akan menyelesaikan kasus Talangsari dan akan segera membangun infrastruktur (jalan, air bersih dan listrik) di lokasi terjadinya peristiwa Talangsari, namun hingga kini janji tersebut belum terealisasi.
Terpilihnya Joko Widodo sebagai Presiden Republik Indonesia yang ketujuh menjadi harapan tersendiri bagi korban dan keluarga korban pelanggaran HAM berat masa lalu. Harapan tersebut tertuang dalam visi-misi Jokowi-JK yang dikemukakan pada saat kampanye calon presiden dan wakil presiden, spesifiknya pada poin ff yang berbunyi:
“Kami berkomitmen menyelesaikan secara berkeadilan terhadap kasus-kasus pelanggaran HAM di masa lalu yang sampai dengan saat ini masih menjadi beban social politik bagi Bangsa Indonesia seperti : Kerusuhan Mei, Trisakti, Semanggi I dan II, Penghilangan paksa, Talangsari Lampung, Tanjung Priok, Tragedi 1965”.
Harapan korban dan keluarga korban Talangsari pada komitmen Presiden Joko Widodo seketika sirna. A.M. Hendropriyono, yang pada saat peristiwa menjabat sebagai Komandan Korem Gatam 043, masuk dalam lingkaran kekuasaaan pemerintahan baru sebagai penasihat Tim Transisi dan dicalonkan sebagai salah satu anggota Dewan Pertimbangan Presiden (Watimpres).
Sekilas Proses Hukum Kasus Talangsari
Pada 9 Mei 2007, Komisi Nasional Hak Asasi Manusia (Komnas HAM) melakukan penyelidikan atas peristiwa Talangsari yang tejadi pada tahun 1989. Hasil penyelidikan menyatakan bahwa ada dugaan pelanggaran HAM berat dalam peristiwa tersebut. Pada tanggal 16 Oktober 2008, Komnas HAM menyerahkan hasil penyelidikan ke Kejaksaan Agung RI dengan surat Nomor: 435/TUA/X/2008. Komnas HAM juga meneruskan hasil penyelidikan ke DPR-RI, maka dari itu Kejaksaan Agung berdalih menunggu sampai terbentuknya Pengadilan HAM Ad Hoc baru dapat memberikan petunjuk, baik formil maupun materiil.
Jaksa Agung Muda Tindak Pidana Khusus, melaui surat Nomor: ND-306/B/F/F.6/05/2009 tertanggal 30 Mei 2009 mengampaikan Net Konsep Surat Jaksa Agung RI kepada Komnas HAM perihal pengembalian berkas hasil penyelidikan peristiwa Talangsari.
Berdasarkan hal tersebut, maka korban dan keluarga korban bersama dengan masyarakat umum harus terus mengupayakan tetap terjaganya ingatan publik terkait peristiwa Talangsari. Upaya tersebut juga harus terus dilakukan seiring dengan upaya mendesak instansi terkait untuk menuntaskan kasus Talangsari.
Tujuan
Mengungkap fakta keterlibatan A.M Hendropriyono dalam peristiwa Talangsari
Merumuskan strategi solusi penyelesaian kasus.
Mendesak pemerintah untuk segera memprioritaskan penuntasan kasus masa lalu dalam agenda kerjanya dan tidak melibatkan kembali A.M. Hendropriyono dalam tatanan pemerintahan.
Narasumber
Roichatul Aswidah [Komisioner Komnas HAM]
Topik: Perkembangan hasil penyelidikan kasus Talangsari pasca pengembalian berkas oleh Kejaksaan Agung pada tahun 2009.
H. M. Prasetyo [Jaksa Agung]
Topik: Urgensi menindaklanjuti berkas penyelidikan Komnas HAM ke tahap penyidikan sebagai langkah konkret penyelesaian kasus Talangsari.
M.M. Billah [Mantan Komisioner Komnas HAM]
Topik: Penyelesaian kasus Talangsari dan posisi politis Hendropriyono.
Allan Nairn [Jurnalis]
Topik: Keterlibatan Hendropiyono dalam Peristiwa Talangsari.
Amir [Korban Talangsari]
Topik: Tanggapan korban terhadap pernyataan Hendropriyono dan Harapan terkait perbaikan kondisi di lokasi kejadian dan penuntasan kasus Talangsari.
Yati Andriyani [KontraS]
Topik: Kuasa Hendropriyono dalam lingkar pemerintahan Jokowi.
Pelaksaanaan
Hari/Tanggal : Jumat, 30 Januari 2015 Pukul : 14.00 s/d 17.00 WIB Tempat : Kantor KontraS, Jl. Borobudur No. 14, Jakarta
NOTE TO READERS: News and Comment is looking for assistance with translating blog postings into other languages, and also with fund raising and distributing the blog content more widely. Those interested please get in touch via the e-mail link below.
NOTE TO READERS RE. TRANSLATION: Portions of News and Comment are now available in Arabic, Brazilian Portuguese, Danish, French, German, Russian and Spanish translation (click preceding links or Profile link above) but translation help is still needed -- particularly with older postings, in these and all other languages.
NOTE TO READERS RE. POTENTIAL EVIDENCE: News and Comment is looking for public and private documents and first-hand information that could develop into evidence regarding war crimes or crimes against humanity by officials. Please forward material via the email link below.
Email Me
